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Who is Us: the globalization of innovation and challenges to assessing technological dependence
All the time, we hear about China's latest benchmarks and indicators to achieve technological autonomy (think: 70% domestic semiconductor production). Yet, what about the indicators that fade away?
I wanted to solve the case of the disappearing indicator: the foreign technology dependence ratio (FTD) [对外技术依存度]. Often seen as the launch pad for China's indigenous innovation drive, the National Medium- and Long-Term Plan for the Development of Science and Technology (2006–2020) outlined a target of reducing China’s FTD to 30% by 2020.
Curiously, in 2016, the Chinese government stopped using the FTD because of its “misleading nature”. Why? My new article “Who is us: the globalization of innovation and challenges to assessing technological dependence” endeavors to unpack this puzzle and address the broader question of how states assess technological self-sufficiency in a globalizing world.
In this article, I argue that globalization poses challenges for rising powers’ ability to assess technological self-sufficiency. Specifically, the hybridization of innovation — increased financial and high-skilled talent flows that connect advanced economies with emerging ones — has fostered firms like Alibaba, whose financial backing and some leadership are from countries different from the one where their headquarters and key operations are based. Notably, in some versions of China's FTD metric, Alibaba's R&D expenses (as a foreign-invested enterprise) would not count as indigenous innovation.
My theory builds on Robert Reich’s famous ‘Who is Us’ query. In 1990, when the U.S. and Japan were in the midst of a fierce high-tech competition, Reich compared the ‘nationality’ of two hypothetical companies. Corporation A is headquartered in the US, led by US directors, and owned by American investors; however, it conducts most of its critical operations abroad, where most of its employees are based. Corporation B is headquartered in a foreign nation and owned and managed by citizens from that nation; however, it conducts most of its critical operations in the US, and the majority of its employees are Americans. By positing that Corporation B could be the more ‘American’ company, Reich raised difficult questions about globalization and how states judge which firms are domestic and foreign.
Interestingly, in one of last week’s recommended reads, the Wi-Fi router company TP-Link made a similar “Who is Us” claim. A TP-Link lobbyist has used language similar to Reich:
[Greg Guice] argues that TP-Link’s strategy is good for the U.S. “Let’s say there is one company founded in the U.S. by a U.S. citizen and they then set up their manufacturing in China through PRC-connected facilities, as opposed to a company, like TP-Link, that is founded by a Chinese citizen who sets up his company in the United States and purposely chooses not to manufacture in China,” he told The Wire. “Which company is the better company?”
My version of the “Who is Us” query is slightly different. Both back then and today, Reich’s Corporation A and Corporation B remain conceptual possibilities, as opposed to empirical realities. This is borne out by statistics that show multinational firms locate the vast majority of their key operations in their home countries. In the three decades since Reich’s initial question, changes in the global economy have posed a different ‘Who is Us’ challenge. Enter Corporation C (Table 1 below): It is headquartered in China, and conducts most of its critical operations in China, where the majority of its employees are based; however, it is led by a mix of Chinese and non-Chinese directors, and largely owned by foreign investors.
The empirical case studies evaluate whether Corporation Cs make assessments of foreign technology dependence more malleable and subject to varying interpretations after the hybridization of innovation becomes an entrenched feature of the global economy. From the article:
I conduct comparative case studies of how policymakers assessed foreign technology dependency in China (1990–2005; 2006–2020), Japan (1970–1990), and India (2003–2020). Facing this new globalization trend in recent decades, Chinese bureaucrats adopted more unstable and malleable assessments of foreign technology dependence than their predecessors in the 1990s and early 2000s. Japan’s effort to nurture technological autonomy shares many similar features with China’s current indigenous innovation drive, with one key exception: It took place in a global economy unaffected by the hybridization of innovation. The Japan case analysis shows that this distinction made a meaningful difference in the ease and clarity of Japanese policymakers’ evaluations of foreign technology dependence. Lastly, a comparison to India’s efforts to measure technological self-reliance demonstrates the salience of my argument in a different context.
In the China case (post-hybridization of innovation), in line with theoretical expectations, Chinese bureaucrats accept a wider “gray zone” between domestic and foreign companies. The Variable Interest Entity is the clearest example. It has also become increasingly difficult for the Chinese government to employ quantitative indicators to measure technological self-reliance. Returning to the fraught history of the FTD indicator, the article recounts: “Critics argued that the FTD masked China’s dependence on the R&D capabilities and technology transfer channels of foreign-invested enterprises (FIEs), including hybrid firms.” To give you a sense of the varied, inconsistent measures of foreign technology dependence, here’s a snippet from the article:
In contrast, in settings before the hybridization of innovation became an essential element of the global economy, we should expect governments to more easily and clearly track technological autonomy. Put simply, there should be fewer “Who is Us” issues. I tested this expectation by studying China’s efforts to evaluate indigenous innovation in the 1990s, with a focus on indicators of domestic production of computers, as well as Japan’s assessments of foreign technology dependence during its rise around the same period. In both contexts, the countries attracted very low amounts of FDI, and brain circulation of high-skilled talent was relatively limited. See below for some evidence from the Japan case:
In the last case study, I probe whether my theory generalizes to globalization’s impact on India’s efforts to assess foreign technology dependence. The following screenshot gives you a taste of some of the details in that case:
Why does any of this matter? I want to highlight two main contributions. First, we’ve chronicled this rise of technonationalist industrial policies. Naturally, China’s indigenous innovation drive has also claimed so much attention. Yet, a key point overlooked in these discussions is how does China and other technonationalism enjoyers measure success in the first place? If they can’t come up with stable measures, then the hybridization of innovation could greatly hinder the effectiveness of these policies. Second, and relatedly, this article wants to emphasize an important variable: the process of assessing foreign technology dependence. This is not an objective, straightforward process but rather a messy one that complicates state responses to globalization.
The full article is available open-access in Review of International Political Economy!
ChinAI Links (Four to Forward)
Below are four of the books that were especially influential in developing my thinking for this article:
Ling Chen. (2018). Manipulating globalization: The influence of bureaucrats on business in China. Stanford University Press.
*Contains great details about how local governments pursue benchmarks and indicators that differ from narrow interpretations of indigenous innovation.
Qiwen Lu. China’s Leap into the Information Age: Innovation and Organization in the Computer Industry. Oxford University Press, 2000.
*Lu’s work provided many of the historical details for the China (pre-hybridization of innovation) case.
Aaron Friedberg. (1988). The weary titan: Britain and the experience of relative decline, 1895–1905. Princeton University Press.
*His analysis of British assessments of economic dependence in the late nineteenth century found that the process became dominated by a simplified indicator based on trade return data, which distorted policy debates.
AnnaLee Saxenian. (2007). The new Argonauts: Regional advantage in a global economy. Harvard University Press.
*This text definitively maps out the brain circulation concept.
Thank you for reading and engaging.
These are Jeff Ding’s (sometimes) weekly translations of Chinese-language musings on AI and related topics. Jeff is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at George Washington University.
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